Marie de France | Arlima - Archives de littérature du Moyen Âge
Sollberger eds. Lambert, M. Malbran-Labat, F. Parpola, S. Paper, H. Potts, D. Soden, W. Stamm, J. Steve, M. Stolper, M. Near Eastern Studies 25 , Berkeley, Woodard ed. Tavernier, J. Eder, J. Henkelman eds. Kogan ed. Vallat, F. Hrouda eds. Waters, M. Weisberg, D. Zadok, R. Related Papers. What's in a Name? Hallushu, Hallutash or Hallutush?
By Jan Tavernier. By Michael Kozuh. By Bruno Overlaet. A New King of Susa and Anshan.
By Parsa Daneshmand. Download pdf. Au terme du La Cour y rejette les En vertu Il est Comment dire les choses? Quels sont les premiers En effet, si le rapprochement entre les Telle est la December Elle confirme en premier lieu Les parties sont Search: Search. France 34 contributions visits. France 59 contributions visits. France 2 contributions visits. France contributions visits. France 39 contributions visits.
Personification, Dissemination, Violence: Jean Racine’s Britannicus
France 6 contributions visits. France 44 contributions visits. Alain Ronzano Fines: The General Court of the European Union dismisses the action for reduction of a fine imposed for participating in the cartel on the recycling of automotive batteries Recylex a. Alain Ronzano Competition policy: The Economic Analysis Council, in favour of preserving competition policy, advocates ex post control of "killer" innovation acquisitions Competition and trade: which policies for Europe? Alain Ronzano Exclusive control: The French Competition Authority authorizes a German multinational company to take sole control of a French company specialized in the fabrication of baking aids, provided remedies Dr.
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Alain Ronzano Vertical practices: The French Competition Authority sanctions several producers and vendors of liquid fertilizers for a price cartel Canna France Alain Ronzano Abuse of dominant position: The European Commission inflicts a 4,34 billion euro fine concerning the abuse of dominant position of a search engine on smartphones Google Search Android 18 July Toujours plus haut!
Alain Ronzano State aids: The Court of Justice of the European Union confirms the violation of the conditions concerning the reorganization of a company and the inapplicability of the private investor test in this case and rejects the appeal by a major actor of the rail sector SNCF Mobilites 7 March Las! Alain Ronzano State aid: The General Court of the European Union rejects the appeal against the decision of the Commission stating the illegality and incompatibility with the internal market of the state aid regime executed by Italy in favor of companies situated in the area in east Sicily touched by an earthquake in Centro Clinico e Diagnostico G.
Similarly, de Gaulle saw the EEC as a pool to draw allies for his attack on the gold exchange standard, when he announced his request to physically exchange the dollars detained by the Banque de France for gold Press Conference, 4 February Yet, French insistence on de facto veto powers could not meet with success. Thus, it was of prime importance that France offered concessions to the other parties as well.
Commission President Hallstein was the direct cause of this outburst , as he had presented bold plans for reform to the European Parliamentary Assembly in Spring 23 March For the Commission, article EEC, specifying its coordinating role with regards to national policies, was insufficient. Two months later, Charles de Gaulle sent out a crossfire of verbal missiles against the supranational conception of European integration In private, the President equalled the introduction of Qualified Majority Voting in the Council of Ministers to the loss of French sovereignty , called for a revision of the treaty, implying abandoning supranationality and QMV altogether, and for the dismissal of the whole Commission De Gaulle counted on bilateral talks between France and its EEC partners, completely bypassing their common institutions, thus, in practice applying the Fouchet Plan, which they had refused earlier However, making this argument hard required either an exit from the EEC which implied abandoning the hard-fought CAP, which served as a counterpart to the German-desired customs union , or a treaty revision which required unanimity.
This meeting initiated the final phase of discussions. Consequently, a treaty change to accommodate French wishes was excluded. Instead, de Gaulle counted on a multilateral protocol declaration, serving as an interpretation of the treaty Any state which felt threatened in its essential interest, could object to a potentially harmful decision. In the French interpretation, this amounted to the formal engagement to pursue discussions and not proceed to a vote until a final deal was reached In case of failure, disagreements persisted between France and the five others.
The minutes of the meeting of the Foreign Ministers on 28 January mark the ambiguous character of the first compromise :. Il faut distinguer entre le droit et la politique. For France, an individual member state decided in a discretionary way. For Germany, on the other hand, fixing the threshold was a collective competence Why should the other states rely on a unilateral statement by one of the partners ? In the German view, even the horizontal, or traditional treaty-based strand of European integration, was submitted to the common obligation to coordinate economic policy, contained in Article 6 EEC A non-agreement on the non-application of the majority rule equalled its confirmation In any case, the sanction in case of an effective QMV-outcome against France could not be anything but a political one cf.
Généalogie du concept d’assimilation. Une comparaison franco-britannique
In theory, political agreements have their sanction in the reciprocal character of the agreement. In the case of the Luxemburg compromise, France was the sole beneficiary On middle-term basis, discussions in Council, Commission or Parliament turned away from grand designs of further integration, and concentrated on technical matters In the short run, at a procedural level, France insisted on preliminary Commission contact with the member states through the permanent representatives at the council Instead, it provided arguments for new member states, such as the United Kingdom to insist on concessions during the preparatory stage of Commission proposals , and can still serve as a political pressure argument today, irrespective of the precarious legal status of the non- agreement Its finality, however, is not that of provoking a rupture, but of moving the need for compromise on essential interests forward in the institutional mechanics.
Charles de Gaulle, press conference 21 February The assertion that we can deal effectively only with countries of equal strength is not conducive to inspiring confidence among the great majority of the nations of the world which are weak At first, de Gaulle proposed President Eisenhower 24 September to create a tripartite directorate of NATO, recalling the allied organisation during the war However, once this idea had vanished, France gradually distanced itself from the military organisation of the alliance The Republic retired its Mediterranean fleet from NATO-command 11 March and refused to have American bombers with nuclear warheads on its national territory 5 September , arguing that the presence of nuclear weapons on French soil was incompatible with the lack of decision power on their use.
Three months later, in his 23 July press conference, the General buried the German attempt to pool nuclear forces within NATO, by attacking the Multilateral Force MLF , which would still mean that the Americans would decide on the effective use of nuclear power However, for France, it meant downgrading its autonomy.
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Yet, this did not appease France: in May , de Gaulle announced that his country would not take part in planned joint NATO manoeuvers. The decision to leave the integrated military structure had been taken by de Gaulle and Couve de Murville, ahead of the December Presidential elections Alluding on the clausula rebus sic stantibus in international law , de Gaulle argued that anything beyond a contractual alliance could not be binding anymore for France. Invoking national independence and sovereignty, NATO-troops were asked to leave the French national territory From a legal point of view, the decisions unanimously taken by the Atlantic Council, allowing for the creation of the commandment structures after the Korean War, were considered as merely indicative, and thus insufficiently explicit to limit French sovereignty Moreover, France did never question its fundamental allegiance to the United States in the world conflict, and —since had never engaged in a military confrontation with its ally overseas Consequently, the key issue for the two superpowers was to ensure their allies had confidence in the over-arching strategy.
A purely theoretical or technological monopoly was insufficient, since the superpower would always intervene in case of a conflict involving its main competitor Konrad Adenauer, who had retired from public office in , had launched his attack far earlier, almost from the moment he resigned as Chancellor From the start of his tenure on, Erhard had the impression to be more supported by outside partners than within his own party It took France until the Sarkozy presidency to reintegrate the military structures On the internal front, he strived to restore national pride after the Algerian imbroglio, and to mark a turn-around for the French economy.
On the external front, he wanted to recall the perpetual rules of international relations to the hegemonic power within the Western bloc.
Both were intimately linked The United States, imbued with a missionary conviction that their action would ultimately lead to stability and peace through the rule of law , had to be reminded that the international society functioned as an arena. For de Gaulle, every state including the new ones, created in the wave of decolonisation , had a legitimate claim to further its own national interest, irrespective of supranational order Polycentrism, echoing the horizontal order after the Peace of Utrecht or the 19 th Century Concert of Europe, was achievable.
Not in terms of physical capability, but in terms of political decision centres, where international discourse could be mastered independent from the leading ally De Gaulle was convinced that his opinion was so self-evidently internally valid and reflected structural necessity for the international system, that history would prove him right De Gaulle saw political will as the prima donna of international lawmaking as the Luxemburg compromise, and the Fouchet proposals demonstrate and relied on the unilateral interpretation of agreements cf.
In itself, the promotion of a multipolar and egalitarian international society is a normative principle, relying on reciprocal consent and advantage, inextricably linked with a European tradition of diplomatic culture, which functions as the nurturing and mutually influenced infrastructure of legal discourse. Introduction 1 French President Charles de Gaulle was a controversial figure on the international scene during the Cold War.